
Thomas Chatterton Williams:
Christopher Rufo took six months to contradict his own advice. In February, the conservative activist wrote that social-media posts “should no longer be grounds for automatic social and professional annihilation.” This view won’t come as a surprise to anyone who has followed Rufo’s long crusade against left-wing cancel culture. By August, however, he had emulated his enemies, arousing outrage over a journalist’s old tweets. The episode demonstrates not just his own hypocrisy but also why campaigns against unwelcome speech should always be resisted.
Rufo’s about-face reveals something else too: The rules of the culture war are changing. Take it from Rufo himself. “The Right’s longstanding proposal—to ‘cancel cancel culture’—might make for a good slogan,” he wrote in the same essay from February. Now, with Donald Trump back in the White House, he says that conservatives have to be more proactive. “We should acknowledge that culture is a way for society to establish a particular hierarchy of values and to provide a way to police the boundaries,” Rufo wrote. “And then we should propose a new set of values that expands the range of acceptable discourse rightward.”
On the morning of March 20th, 2003, the beginning of Iraq War Two, I was sitting in the parking lot of a bagel shop, looking at a copy of USA Today, reading an article that left me in stunned disbelief. A few days earlier, in Bossier, Louisiana, protestors had used a huge tractor to crush a pile of Dixie Chicks CDs and merchandise. On March 10th, during a concert in London, singer Natalie Maines had told the audience, “Just so you know, we’re ashamed the president of the United States is from Texas.” It was a year and a half after 9/11, and much of the nation was still in the mood for righteous vengeance. This mild statement was perceived as a betrayal to the sensibilities of country music fans, who were predominantly Republicans, especially as it was said in front of a foreign audience. In addition to the 1930s-Germany optics of organizing public destruction of offensive popular art, the band’s music was pulled from radio rotation in many markets. A 2006 documentary chronicled their experience as one of the 21st century’s first victims of cancel culture, although no one called it that yet.
As it happened, that would prove to be the high-water mark for the right’s ability to dictate the terms of cultural discourse. Over the next few years, the basilisk eggs of social media would begin to hatch. The Bush administration went clumsily into that good night, leaving a legacy of disastrous wars and a worldwide financial collapse. The Democrats went Beatlemania over a young, charismatic, mixed-race politician from Chicago. Current NYT columnist Ezra Klein — who, in an amazing example of nominative determinism, got his start writing on a blog called “Not Geniuses” where he demonstrated a Thomas Friedman-like ability to be staggeringly wrong about everything while endlessly failing upward in his career — invented an entirely new shade of purple to splash upon his prose as he gushed:
Obama’s finest speeches do not excite. They do not inform. They don’t even really inspire. They elevate. They enmesh you in a grander moment, as if history has stopped flowing passively by, and, just for an instant, contracted around you, made you aware of its presence, and your role in it. He is not the Word made flesh, but the triumph of word over flesh, over color, over despair. The other great leaders I’ve heard guide us towards a better politics, but Obama is, at his best, able to call us back to our highest selves, to the place where America exists as a glittering ideal, and where we, its honored inhabitants, seem capable of achieving it, and thus of sharing in its meaning and transcendence.
Yes, they really were that high on their own supply. For a while, they exulted in what appeared to be the triumphant conclusion of a narrative arc that started with the Civil Rights movement. By 2010, smartphones and social media were becoming ubiquitous, and the first spasms of what would come to be called the Great Awokening were appearing as triumphant liberals, dominant throughout cultural institutions and no longer fearing the threat of mutually-assured destruction, attempted to dispense with debate and cement their ideological preferences into place. I think you know the rest of the story well enough. Suffice it to say, a funny thing happened on the way to the end of history, and so, here we are. Liberals are now reduced to weakly calling technical fouls like “hypocrisy!” while conservatives set about methodically salting as much earth as possible in a four-year span so that no more social-engineering schemes can ever grow there again. Woke delenda est.
Williams is narrowly correct that Rufo and the populist right will probably get drunk on power and eventually take things too far. Human nature hasn’t changed since 2003, after all. Rufo is correct that centrists like Williams never seem to come up with any workable ideas for defeating the woke extremists, preferring to hold themselves above the fray while criticizing those who get their hands dirty achieving tangible results. In fairness, it should be noted that this article was written before the Kirk assassination, when Rufo was targeting the New Yorker writer Doreen St. Felix over her past racist tweets against white people, which lends gravity to Williams’ argument. But events have obviously moved on, and now the stakes are higher. Personally, I get the “this isn’t cancel culture, it’s accountability for cheering murder” argument. On the merits, it seems like a standard that should be unobjectionable. Cheering an assassination isn’t in the same moral weight-class as an offensive Halloween costume from 2009. But I’m not in favor of the “Charlie’s Murderers” database being constructed to hold names, workplaces, and handles of those accused of offending. This seems ripe for abuse and personal score-settling dressed up as justice. Today’s bright line (“explicit praise of murder”) will become tomorrow’s penumbra (sarcasm, edgy jokes, guilt-by-association likes).
In some ways, social media is still a new frontier, and it takes a different type of character to tame a frontier; the well-mannered townsfolk will move in much later to set up tea parties and debate clubs. 2010s smartphones plus feeds created territory with speech reach/persistence that old rules couldn’t handle. Early Great Awokening enforcement looked like posse justice: mobs, character assassination, advertiser raids. Now the black hats run the posse, promising peace later. The danger is that vigilantes make bad sheriffs, and frontiersmen don’t always want a town. Some actors gain power, attention, and riches from permanent skirmish. A settled order would put them out of business. So the “rough-and-tumble until norms form” ideal to which Rufo professes allegiance might not self-resolve.
Should I need to establish my bona fides, the “free speech” tag next to this post will show how long I’ve been on this beat. Even as a default liberal when younger, I argued in vain against the progressive appetite for using astroturfed consumer boycotts as a form of economic embargo against their enemies, and against the hubristic embrace of cancel culture epitomized by that famous XKCD cartoon smugly informing us that “the 1st amendment doesn’t shield you from criticism or consequences.” I predicted that they would find themselves in precisely this position if they kept at it. In my ideal world, people would have a high tolerance for offense and the good character to scorn resentful attempts to punish enemies through doxxing, tattling to employers, and the aforementioned fake boycotts. Unfortunately, I’ve resigned myself to the world we live in, where humans are a morally retarded species who are congenitally incapable of learning any lasting lessons from their innumerable follies. Thus, I’ve become convinced by those who argue that free speech is best understood as détente rather than an abstract principle. When faced with an increasingly-aggressive mob, refusing to compromise one’s debate club standards will be taken as a weakness to be exploited, not a kindness to be reciprocated. Free speech as a principle according to the standards of a John Stuart Mill is something of a hothouse flower that requires precise conditions to flourish, like a soil of shared values and norms. We don’t have that anymore.
It took the horrific devastation of the Thirty Years War to set the stage for Westphalia and the genesis of modern liberal notions of tolerance. I’m afraid that it will likewise take a few swings of the cultural pendulum here before people finally get weary of trying to pummel their opponents into submission and relearn how to live and let live. For now, I at least have the bitter satisfaction of echoing Robert Conquest: “I told you so, you fucking fools.”