Why didn’t the liberals and businessmen see it coming?
That question has bothered many students of revolutionary movements. Revolutions never succeed without the support of wealthy, liberal, educated society. Yet revolutionaries seldom conceal that their success entails the seizure of all wealth, the suppression of dissenting opinion, and the murder of class enemies.
…Though some liberals recognized their differences from the radicals, most acted like intelligentsia wannabes who were unwilling to acknowledge, even to themselves, that their values were essentially different. Socialized to regard anything conservative as reprehensible—and still worse, as a social faux pas—they contrived ways to justify radical intolerance and violence as forced, understandable, and noble. They had to, since the fundamental emotional premise of liberalism—hostility to those ignorant, bigoted, morally depraved people on the right—almost always proved more compelling than professed intellectual commitments.
Casting “unworthy, furtive glances at who liked what,” Berdyaev observed, these liberals illustrated how “moral cowardice develops, while love of truth and intellectual daring are extinguished.” Captivated by public opinion, they signed petitions they did not agree with and excused heinous acts, always observing the rule: Better to side with people a mile to one’s left than be associated with anyone an inch to one’s right.
I thought of this nearly-six-year-old article after seeing this contemptible display from the New York Times in defense of “microlooting,” or “petty theft,” as most of us know it. Piker, as we’ve noted before, is a typical millionaire Marxist who wants to, like, burn down the system, maaan, the same system that lucratively rewarded his uselessness, and Tolentino, a New Yorker writer, is sitting pretty herself. This is the essence of the luxury belief: danger outsourced downward, righteousness retained upward. One suspects that if the dialectic ever wandered onto their own property — if someone decided to “microloot” the mansion, the brownstone, or the NYT building — the revolutionary mist would clear instantly and the old bourgeois nouns would come marching back in full uniform: trespass, theft, violation, police.
And then there is the Times, kneeling obligingly beside all this like a butler holding the tray. Disaffected radicals will always exist. Every society produces its crop of nihilists and vigilantes looking for a theory to excuse their impulses. The truly pathetic part is the abasement of a prestige institution that once at least pretended to maintain a distinction between public seriousness and fashionable degeneracy. Here the paper of record goes slumming, treating antisocial behavior as a kind of righteous Les Misérables cosplay for people with real estate portfolios. Theft becomes “microlooting.” Assassination becomes “understandable anger.” A lawyerly joke is offered at the end to imply that the speaker’s official disavowal of violence should not be mistaken for his actual sympathies.
This is how exhausted liberalism advertises its decay, by aestheticizing it, joking about it, flirting with it, and assuring itself that all this blood talk is only a game played among civilized people. But the history Morson described is precisely the history of people who assumed the same thing. Marie Antoinette playing shepherdess now seems almost endearingly innocent by comparison. She was at least pretending at rustic simplicity. These people are pretending at revolutionary virtue. Piker, with all the intellectual depth of the retarded stoner he is at heart, pronounces UnitedHealthcare CEO Brian Thompson guilty of “social murder,” which makes his actual murder, like, just a difference of degree when you think about it, maaan.
Apocryphal Mark Twain cautioned against arguing with idiots, who will drag you down to their level and beat you with experience. The danger of equating every distant harm, every bureaucratic cruelty, every structural injustice to the moral equivalent of murder is that literal murder gains camouflage, prestige, and finally primacy; the real thing drags its metaphoric rivals down and beats them through sheer experience. An imbecile like Piker isn’t going to kill anyone, of course. He’s too comfortable and lazy. But he and his idiot enablers will do all they can to clear the way for people who aren’t playing games. The conceit of parlor radicals is that they can abolish moral distinctions in language without abolishing them in life. They think “murder” can remain a clever metaphor in their hands. But once everything oppressive is promoted to murder, real murder enters the room with a terrible advantage: it is the only participant not speaking figuratively. The word-game ends where the firing squad begins.

